Showing posts with label Civil servants; public servants; who runs the government. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Civil servants; public servants; who runs the government. Show all posts

Saturday, June 25, 2016

Preachy offence-takers, the wowsers of our time

By Chris Kenny 

"THE AUSTRALIAN"
 June 25, 2016

This was copied into Dallas Beaufort's page in Facebook. I have copied it here because it needs a wider audience, and in a better vehicle than Facebook.

(Copyright News Limited and Chris Kenny, 2016)


Have we ever had so many people telling us what we shouldn’t be saying? We certainly have never had so many avenues available for expressing our opinions.

But the intrusions and lecturing over what views are considered appropriate are stultifying.
Soon, it seems, public figures will need to subedit every joke, workshop every criticism and run a focus group to test every piece of analysis.

Paradoxically, at the same time, in the menagerie of social media, millions of anonymous and not-so-anonymous accounts hurl a limitless and unrestrained array of foul abuse, threats and derision.
Welcome to the best of times and worst of times in the communications age.

This is an era when the rarest commodity is a person who says what they think and thinks about what they say. There is a sense that we are being deafened by a ­cacophony of multimedia noise at the same time we are being crushed into conformity. And it is helping to turn our politics into bland mush.
This week we have heard Labor politicians, ABC presenters and activists argue that the nation shouldn’t hold a plebiscite on same-sex marriage because the debate will be filled with hatred, bigotry and even violence. They are arguing we urgently need a social reform but that we can’t be trusted to debate it. It is self-imposed authoritarianism — auto-totalitarianism.

Politicians and community and ­security leaders have been avoiding mention of the threat of Islamist extremism because they fear offending people in Muslim communities.

The head of our national football competition warned that “words and jokes have incredible power” as he admonished club presidents over a misplaced gibe, and appointed a manager of “inclusion and social policy”.

Activists who have screamed for media access to Nauru studiously ignored a Nine Network report from the Pacific nation because they didn’t concur with its take on the situation — information, information everywhere, but not a point to make.

The election campaign is being covered by an unprecedented array of media organisations and platforms yet the leaders are doing fewer media interviews than they’ve done in the past. There are more pictures, jokes, insults, outrages, memes and angles than ever, but less substance.
The campaign is Facebook wide and Twitter deep.

Strangely, as access to media and information sources in­creases, we are seeing a retreat from plurality. Media is becoming Balkanised. There is less of an appetite for divergent views in public debate — and less tolerance.

Chillingly, just four years ago under a Labor-Greens government — a progressive-left administration — an attempt was made to impose de facto regulation on print media content. The ABC and the journalists union hardly raised a whimper.

The progressive Left still urges preservation of section 18C of the Racial Discrimination Act, even though it saw a commentator sanctioned over published articles and the columns banned from republication. Some activists argue people who express dissenting views on climate change should be sanctioned.

Maverick politicians the world over — from Donald Trump to Pauline Hanson — are winning support for stridently addressing issues that the political/media class finds too difficult to discuss sensibly. We hear much about so-called slacktivism and we have become used to regular bouts of online outrage.

Yet there is something more worrying at play: a powerful attempt, particularly by the green Left, to control public discussion and silence dissent.

These are not new pressures, we know. It was George Orwell who imagined Newspeak as he warned of such sinister authoritarian tendencies in the novel Nineteen Eight-Four.

Thought crimes and doublespeak became part of our lexicon, mainly as alarming markers — things to avoid as we defended freedom during the Cold War. After the wall came down and we saw our liberal democratic model triumph in social, economic and strategic terms, it seemed that liberalism and tolerance would prosper unchallenged. But no — even without authoritarian regimes, the citizens of Western liberal democracies now invite new conformist approaches to public debate upon themselves.

Much of it is driven by political fashion. Some of us seem to want all of us to share the same views. The political fashionistas use politics, public broadcasters, social media and public institutions to further their cause.

You can witness their overbearing hectoring in the sanctimony of progressive politicians, preachiness of the national broadcaster or vile abuse of social media. If you are unlucky enough you’ll find them marching to your door, as happened to me recently after a complaint to the Australian Press Council.
Despite her public megaphone in parliament and limitless platforms though largely unquestioning media appearances, Greens senator Sarah Hanson-Young sought to undermine my reporting from Nauru last October by lodging a complaint.

Hanson-Young, despite numerous requests over many years, has refused to grant me an interview to discuss border protection issues.

Rather than answer my questions — or ask them of me — she used the APC as a vehicle to try to discredit my efforts at sharing facts and providing transparency on Nauru. Bizarrely, the council decided to investigate the complaint despite chairman David Weisbrot saying: “We are not at all, in this, contesting the accuracy, fairness or balance of the articles — we completely accept those.”
Instead, the council looked into the issue of privacy and found in my favour on that count, too. But consider how the press council allowed itself to be used in a game that is antipathetic to its aims of fostering free and open media.

Hanson-Young, instead of speaking to me, criticising me or debating me, hides from scrutiny and lodges a third-party complaint. It is aimed at silencing me and deterring others. It is weak, to be sure. But it is also insidious.

Two of my colleagues are enduring similarly ridiculous press council inquiries for daring to poke fun at the moral posturing and fashionable causes of the progressive political class. The green Left, which ostensibly would lay claim to supporting free and open debate, is constantly trying to shut it down.
They badger, deny and obfuscate rather than address hard facts and engage in direct debate. Just as Orwell outlined so pointedly in Politics and the English Language, they corrupt language with their thought and could corrupt public thinking with their language. Their language on issues that should be clear-cut is often characterised, as Orwell sum­marised, by “euphemism, question-begging and sheer cloudy vagueness.”

Hence, instead of recognising the horrible intent and deadly challenge of Islamist extremism, ABC presenter Waleed Aly gave us an indirect and subversive ­response to the Orlando gay nightclub massacre.

“I feel like what we’re witnessing is the tangible pointy expression of all of the fault lines and contradictions that run through modernity,” he said on Radio ­National. “Our world is now one that is an increasingly polarised and polarising contest between new frontiers of cosmopolitanism on the one hand and quite responsive and symbiotically related frontiers of atavism on the other, and within that lie all of the political narratives that have sustained us through the 20th century that simply don’t work any more, narratives like freedom, right, which you know expresses its own contradictions in America every time there is a mass shooting, when you see what freedom and a certain conception of freedom ends up looking like.”

The only possible interpretation of this verbiage is that he was saying — ever so obliquely — that America had it coming. This was a vile case of blame-shifting away from the culprit and his Islamist extremist ideology. Let’s talk about this.

Wednesday, June 15, 2011

Letter to Barry O'Farrel,MP, Premier of NSW

I sent this letter to Mr O'Farrel, and to News Limited publications, hoping for a response. I did. It mentioned nothing about the actions of the public servants. Considering O'Farrel's attacks on the bureaucracy, I expected at least a mention. The response means that he never saw it. As I expected.

Mr Barry O’Farrel, MP
27 Redleaf Ave
Wahroonga NSW 2076
2 May 2011



Dear Sir

In her farewell statement after the March election, Kristina Keneally said that the electorate had not deserted Labor, but Labor had deserted the electorate. She meant something else, but she was ironically so true. A few days earlier, a newspaper columnist had said Labor deserved to lose, since the government had spent the past several years partying instead of governing.

The truth was that since 2009, NSW had been controlled by blackmail, conspiracy, intimidation and incompetence by sections of the Public Service. For example, currently, HealthNSW knows how easily it could have reduced deaths in NSW public hospitals (due to hospital-acquired infections) by about 10,000 per year, since at least 2002, through an improvement in hygiene that would cost very little but save several billions per year in treatment costs. But just make one minister avoid mentioning this, and the blackmail begins.

We saw Della Bosca not prosecuted by the DPP for breaching the Oaths Act over “Iguanagate” in exchange for Rudd not cutting back on the Federal Public Service, then we saw him set up by the Public Service when he announced his 100-day plan to clean up the hospital system. We saw David Campbell set up the day before he planned to reveal which public servants were to blame for the 12-hour F3 fiasco. We saw thousands of dollars of police surveillance thrown away just so Verity Firth’s husband could be caught buying a single ecstasy ill. We have seen a number of politicians hauled before the public servants' own court, the ICAC. We have seen public servants mishandle grossly government projects, such as the BER and building less shoddy public housing in NSW. And we have seen a number of politicians making decisions that would make their post-political lives wealthier.

The US CDC announced a 50% decrease in hospital-acquired infections, for only a 25% increase in handwashing, in a study published in 2001. A few years later, Austin Hospital in Melbourne found that spending $7000 per year on a nurse to oversee hygiene practices saved about $1.2 million annually. Two years ago, HealthNSW did it own study, that showed similar results to the CDC study, but only for non-invasive treatments (and for that reason, decided better hygiene was “too hard” to manage).

In financial terms, by spending less than $10 million hiring retired senior nurses to work part-time to guarantee the following of hygiene protocols and develop new ones for invasive procedures, HealthNSW would have over one billion dollars a year in treatment costs, and require no more hiring of general nurses. As well, enough spare beds would be made so that saved money could slash waiting lists and save 5-10,000 lives annually.

All the bureaucracy needs to control the government is to convince one senior politician to expediently do nothing, and then that politician and his/her power is permanently suborned by fear of criminal sanction.

After being under HealthNSW care for two months (top), and just before.
I was admitted to Liverpool Hospital on January 19th, 2007, in a semicomatose condition. After six hours, during which I suffered lung failure, I was choppered to intensive care at Bankstown Hospital. While the doctors were trying to diagnose me, my heart stopped. Blood tests revealed I had kidney failure, and liver failure, due top severe legionella sepsis that was partly resistant to antibiotics. My kidney failure was so severe that I needed four dialysis sessions to bring my blood back to some semblance of normality.

I spent four weeks in a coma, all on breathing support and dialysis. I was not expected to live to the end of the first week.

Unfortunately, my body weight was underestimated, and this together with the wrong diet and a high fever seemed to have caused some oxygen deprivation, mainly affecting the hindbrain and the lower system. When I was first exercised after regaining consciousness, I was both severely wasted and crippled. The former I survived, but the latter has not improved. The hospital offered no reason for my disability, but said I would return to normal within a three months. A transfer to a physiotherapy hospital was arranged by my sister, but the hospital refused. I later discovered it was because I had contracted MRSA while in the coma, and no other hospital would admit me (but I was not told any of this at the time).
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When Bankstown refused to discharge me, I forced the issue and it relented on March 22nd. A few weeks later my GP sent me for an NMRI scan that revealed I had neural atrophy that was causing my disability, and it was not curable. I posted my discharge sheet on my blog, and a doctor from the UK NHS said the treatment I had been given was typical for VISA (now known as multi-resistant MRSA).  I began online and other personal research into hospital hygiene, discovered how this might have happened. But both Bankstown Hospital and the HCCC said there was no record of me having MRSA.

I was contacted by an Australian MRSA sufferer (who was infected while having back surgery) who said his doctor would not even order a blood test to see if he still had MRSA, and he could only get medical treatment by presenting himself at the Emergency Departments of different hospitals. In September 2007, my carer assaulted me when Housing refused to even  try to find me accommodation (she had been told I would only be in her care for three months). When I went to Fairfield Hospital to be treated for three cracked ribs and severe internal injuries, I mentioned I might have had MRSA, and the doctor treating me said that it was policy to not allow anyone who might have MRSA to be admitted. A few days later I had to be taken back to Fairfield by ambulance because my internal injuries had become painfully inflamed. I was placed in a single room, and only stayed overnight because the staff could find no one to take me home.

Finally, through the intercession of Ninos Koshaba with the Minister for Housing, the Fairfield Allocation Team was bypassed and a disabled residence suitable for me was built in October 2008, , part of the privately built complex purchased by Housing while under construction. Housing Fairfield did not like this.

In March 2009 I was admitted to Liverpool Hospital for respite (90 minutes home assistance each two weeks was not enough). After five days I was approached by a nurse who asked me if I had been cleared by Bankstown of MRSA. When I replied this had not done, I was moved to an isolated room and the cleaners given special anti-infection instructions to prevent me infecting the ward. No precautions were taken to protect other hospital patients, just some of the nursing staff. It was also at this time I learned that hospital doctors kept separate computer records to those they completed for the hospital.

My discharge papers from Liverpool mentioned neither the degree of my disabilities nor the actions taken to not allow me to spread the MRSA I might still have. Also, no tests of any kind were done to see if I still had MRSA. Three separate assessments argued I needed six free hours of home care each week in order to keep me out of a nursing home, but CatholicCare could only manage to get me 90 minutes a week from HACC.

I received a copy of a reply from the SSWAHS to the HCCC, with a hastily inserted paragraph saying that I had been found to be inexplicably infected with MRSA towards the end of my coma. But the letter did not explain why I was put under such strict infection control procedures for the MRAB I was told I had instead (which in my case was virtually impossible to get in Australia), and did not need strict infection control procedures.

The HCCC did nothing about being lied to, and the last word I received from them was that Bankstown said I should stop whining about being crippled, but be thankful I was alive.

A firm of solicitors approached me about my problems, after my discharge from Liverpool. While they wrote back, they said they could not take action on the basis of my medical records from Bankstown. But I was given a copy of most of the pertinent medical records from Bankstown and Liverpool.

I wrote to the Health Minister, John Della Bosca, but he was not told of my letter. Instead, Joe Tripodi hand-delivered a letter outlining my problems to him. Della Bosca wrote back to me, explaining he had told GILD to see what compensation for being crippled I should get.

I also wrote to Centrelink, asking for a medical assessment. This was refused on the grounds it would invade my privacy. So officially, I am not severely disabled and therefore denied the various types of assistance, including financial help to cover my increased costs. At least NSW Health and Disability is subsidising my 90 minutes per week cleaning help, and the RTA has accepted my doctor’s statement that I am mobility-impaired.

Shortly thereafter, I asked Housing Fairfield to install extra safety rails in the bathroom, as the ones installed by the builder were not adequate. Fairfield asked the SSWAHS to assess my needs, but Health replied to the Housing Campbelltown office, and nothing happened until I made additional representations threee months later. Then the Health assessor visited me twice, to confirm that I had not been crippled before I entered Bankstown Hospital, or that any medication I was on would make me crippled, before permission to install the safety rails was granted. I still do not have any protection from falling of the back porch onto the ground.

On October 20th, 2009, I wrote to Carmel Tebbutt, at her electoral office, outlining my problems and my previous actions. She never saw the letter, nor did her Parliamentary Secretary for Health, Dr Andrew Mc.Donald, who replied on  21st December 2009 to me with nothing but a litany of lies (including the supposed actions of GILD) that could have only been written by a public servant. I waited until September 2010 for action, before complaining that nothing had been done. I never received an answer.


The only good news I have is that I have been lent the old car owned by my nephew, since I can’t afford the taxi subsidy I now must only pay to visit medical people in places I cannot park. In October, I will have to find the money to reregister the car, or suffer imprisonment.

I have been a cripple for more than four years. It took two years of that time to finally get a Housing place where I could live independently. But is costs more to live as a cripple than the government pays. Does it make sense to you that my housing subsidy of $7000 per year would be increased to $7000 per week if I went into a high-dependency nursing home, to be in a virtual prison? In fact, I’d be better off if I had myself gaoled, since then I would have the run of the prison hospital, and a wheelchair I can’t afford to buy.

I am tired of being a cripple, and taking several times longer to do things that I can do. I am tired that I have been thrice assessed as needing six hours per week home help, paid for by the State, since thne State crippled me, and I don’t have the money. I am tired of Bankstown Hospital refusing to recognise my severe disabilities as happening while under its care. I am tired of being refused hospital treatment because I was infected with MRSA at Bankstown and other hospitals do not care to admit patients if they know they have had MRSA.

I am tired of being under continual medical, psychological and financial stress, and having to depend on charity because no one cares to take responsibility for making me a cripple. And the charity seems to have reached its limits. I am tired of having my life recklessly endangered because public servants, such as HealthNSW’s Ian Smyth, believe that a few hundred lives lost to hospital acquired infections is “a minor matter” (on a TV news report late last year).

In your speech after the March election, you said you planned to leave a legacy to NSW. Is this a legacy where politicians obey public servants at the costs of thousands of lives and billions of dollars, or one where politicians work for the benefit of the electorate?

Neville Angove

Saturday, February 13, 2010

Thick As Two Planks


Neville Angove

Today's Sydney Sunday Telegraph ran a story highlighting the plight of a father who wrote to the Environment Minister and the Prime Minister. He had written to complain about faults in the free home ceiling insulation system that was causing deaths by electrocution. It must be said that installers who do not realise that connecting metal insulation to live wires will make the insulation definitely dangerous: think of their deaths as evolution in action.

The mistake lies in anyone thinking that letters to political Ministers actually reaches the Ministers. Instead, they are read by civil servants, answers written by civil servants, and the justification for the answers written by civil servants.

I have been writing letters to various Ministers for three years. Only once did one actually reach the Minister (John Della Bosca, the deposed Health Minister of NSW), and a reply written by him received. The letter was a copy hand delivered to him of a letter written to a local politician.

This problem applies to the US, the UK and Australia. It could apply elsewhere, but I do not have sufficient contacts in other countries. Accept the fact that governments are run by civil servants for their own ends (enjoy a little power, fertilising the ground for post-retirement remuneration), leaving the game of getting elected so they can enjoy the perks of office (and occasionally slip in some good works, civil servants not being the brightest lights around).